CHAPTER 5

The Drive for World Government

[T]here is going to be no steady progress in civilization or self-government among the more backward peoples until some kind of international system is created which will put an end to the diplomatic struggles incident to the attempt of every nation to make itself secure... The real problem today is that of world government.1
• Philip Kerr,

Foreign Affairs, December 1922

 

There is no indication that American public opinion, for example, would approve the establishment of a super state, or permit American membership in it. In other words, time • a long time — will be needed before world government is politically feasible.... [T]his time element might seemingly be shortened so far as American opinion is concerned by an active propaganda campaign in this country....2
• Allen W. Dulles (CFR) and Beatrice Pitney Lamb,

Foreign Policy Association, 1946

 

[T]here is no longer a question of whether or not there will be world government by the year 2000. As I see it, the questions we should be addressing to ourselves are: how it will come into being — by cataclysm, drift, more or less rational design — and whether it will be totalitarian, benignly elitist, or participatory (the probabilities being in that order.)3
• Saul H. Mendlovitz,

director World Order Models Project, 1975

A major obstacle to alerting Americans about plans to cancel our national sovereignty and personal freedoms and to submerge the United States in a world government is the dissembling double-talk and outright lying routinely employed by the world government advocates. While groups like Planetary Citizens, the World Federalist Association, the Association of World Citizens, the Committee to Frame a World Constitution, the World Constitution and Parliament Association, the World Association for World Federation, etc. have usually flown their world government flags openly, the Council on Foreign Relations and other Establishment groups seeking world government prefer to obfuscate their aims with terms like “collective security,” “the rule of law,” “world law,” “global institutions,” “interdependence,” and “world order.”

As we have already shown and will further demonstrate, the CFR and its influential members are also on record favoring and promoting world government. However, most of these public CFR utterances have appeared in publications and speeches intended for a select, sympathetic audience where the new world order adepts can “unblushingly” (in the words of Lincoln Bloomfield) contemplate and discuss “world government.”4

World government is not a subject to which most Americans, or other peoples of the world for that matter, give much serious thought. However, if John Q. Citizen does become cognizant of and disturbed about the threat of an emerging global leviathan, and if he expresses this concern to his congressman, senator, or local newspaper editor, he either meets with derisive charges that he is chasing chimera, or he is provided with solemn denials that plans for world government are even being considered. This writer experienced a typical example of this derision/denial paradigm in November 1990 at a branch of Purdue University in Fort Wayne, Indiana. The occasion was a Citizens Forum to discuss “America’s Role in the New World Order.”

It featured as its three leading participants: Charles William Maynes (CFR), editor of Foreign Policy; Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist David Broder; and Senator Richard Lugar (R-IN), former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. All three of these Establishment internationalists enthusiastically touted the newly enhanced role of the United Nations as a result of the Persian Gulf War and embraced President Bush’s oft-mentioned new world order. Attending as a member of the press, I questioned each of them concerning the meaning of the term “new world order” and its relationship to “a strengthened UN.”

All denied that there were any plans to transform the UN into a world government. “Nobody even talks about world government anymore, or seriously considers it,” said Charles Maynes. “People gave up on that idea 30 years ago.” Maynes, whose journal is published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, one of the premier fountains of world government propaganda, obviously knows better because he regularly publishes the Establishment world order line.

Most Americans, however, find it difficult to believe that individuals in prestigious positions, like Maynes, their senator, or the President, would lie to them or deceive them. But it is time to face facts:

The historical record and the unfolding of current events patently contradict the denials and expose them for lies.

It daily becomes more obvious that the world government advocates are pushing toward their goal with increased zeal and audacity. At the time of the Purdue conference, President Bush was pressing for the most far-reaching transfers of authority, prestige, and power to the United Nations that have taken place since its founding. Under the pretext of saving the people of Kuwait from the “naked aggression” of Saddam Hussein, he trumpeted his “new world order” gospel almost daily, even including as its centerpiece a call for new military muscle for the world body.

In the succeeding months, as we have mentioned in previous chapters, he went even further, supporting UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali’s call for a permanent UN Army and pledging America’s economic and military support for the revolutionary venture.

Extensive Evidence of Intent

Anyone who is willing to spend a little time in a library researching this issue will have little difficulty verifying that the movement for world government has been underway in earnest for many decades. It has been led and supported by CFR members and their kindred spirits for most of this century. They have left a revealing trail of books, articles, studies, proclamations, and other documents — some blatantly obvious, others more discreetly veiled — that unmistakably confirm their intention.

During the 1930s, ’40s, and ’50s, many influential works by noted political leaders and intellectuals openly called for the supplanting of national governments by a one-world government. In his 1940 book, The New World Order, for instance, popular British novelist/historian H. G. Wells denounced “nationalist individualism” as “the world’s disease” and proposed as an alternative a “collectivist one-world state.”5

Wells, a leading member of the Fabian Socialist Society, stated further:

[T]hese two things, the manifest necessity for some collective world control to eliminate warfare and the less generally admitted necessity for a collective control of the economic and biological life of mankind, are aspects of one and the same process.6 [Emphasis in original]

That same year saw publication of The City of Man: A Declaration on World Democracy, which called for a “new order” where “All states, deflated and disciplined, must align themselves under the law of the world-state....”7 Penned by radical theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, socialist philosopher Lewis Mumford, and other famous literati, it was greeted with critical acclaim by the CFR Establishment media. “Universal peace,” these one-worlders declared, “can be founded only on the unity of man under one law and one government.”8

No, they were not envisioning the Second Coming of Jesus Christ and a world subject to God’s rule; they had in mind a worldly kingdom of their own making. In the fall of 1945, immediately following the UN founding conference in San Francisco, some of America’s most famous educators met at the Rockefeller-endowed University of Chicago to propose the creation of an Institute of World Government. Their proposal resulted in the Committee to Frame a World Constitution, under the chairmanship of University of Chicago Chancellor Robert Maynard Hutchins.9

Chancellor Hutchins was the Establishment’s “golden boy” of academe and the logical choice to lead the One-World crusade among the nation’s intelligentsia. The Committee was heavy with “Hutchins’ boys” from the University of Chicago faculty: Mortimer Adler, Richard McKeon, Robert Redfield, Wilbur Katz, and Rexford Guy Tugwell. They were joined by such luminaries as Stringfellow Barr (St. John’s College), Albert GuŽrard (Stanford), Harold Innis (Toronto), Charles McIlwain (Harvard), and Erich Kahler (Princeton).10

In 1948, the Committee unveiled its Preliminary Draft of a World Constitution, published by the University of Chicago Press.11 The principal author of this document was the Committee’s secretarygeneral, G.A. Borgese, a renowned author of books dealing with literary criticism, history, and political science and a professor of romance languages at the University of Chicago.

The following year, Senator Glen Taylor of Idaho introduced a resolution in the U.S. Senate stating that “the present Charter of the United Nations should be changed to provide a true world government constitution.”12 Authored by Borgese, Hutchins, Tugwell, et al., it was reintroduced in 1950.13

John Foster Dulles (CFR), who would become President Eisen’s first Secretary of State, added his considerable influence to the world government campaign in 1950 with the publication of his book, War or Peace. “The United Nations,” he wrote, “represents not a final stage in the development of world order, but only a primitive stage. Therefore its primary task is to create the conditions which will make possible a more highly developed organization.”14

A founding member of the CFR and one of Colonel House’s young protŽgŽs, Dulles was a delegate to the UN founding conference. He had married into the Rockefeller family and eventually served as chairman of both the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment. It was Chairman Dulles who chose Communist Alger Hiss to be president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.15

Earlier, Dulles had turned his attention toward religion and, in 1941, had become the first chairman of the Commission on a Just and Durable Peace of the subversive Federal Council of Churches. The efforts to draft a set of internationalist principles on which peace might be built sounded to him, he said, like an echo of the Gospels.16 His commission’s first order of business was to pass a resolution proclaiming that ... a world of irresponsible, competing and unrestrained national sovereignties, whether acting alone or in alliance or in coalition, is a world of international anarchy. It must make place for a higher and more inclusive authority.17

Dulles’s credentials as a certified, top-level Establishment Insider intimately involved in the design and creation of the UN make this following quote from War or Peace especially significant. He wrote:

I have never seen any proposal made for collective security with “teeth” in it, or for “world government” or for “world federation,” which could not be carried out either by the United Nations or under the United Nations Charter.18

That same year, 1950, fellow one-world Insider James P. Warburg (CFR) would testify before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee, claiming:

We shall have world government, whether or not we like it. The question is only whether world government will be achieved by consent or by conquest.19

Additional intellectual ammunition for the campaign came with publication of Foundations of the World Republic by Professor Borgese in 1953. There was no mistaking the book’s intent; the publisher (again, the University of Chicago Press) had this to say in the opening sentences of the promotional fly-leaf of the book’s dust jacket:

WORLD GOVERNMENT, asserts Mr. Borgese, is inevitable. It will be born in one of two ways. It may come as a World Empire, with mass enslavement imposed by the victor of World War III; or it may take the form of a World Federal Republic, established by gradual integration of the United Nations.20 [Emphasis in original]

Immediately below that promotional blurb appeared this endorsement from University of Chicago Professor Robert Redfield:

“This book is about the necessary interdependence of peace, justice, and power. It is an argument for world government. It is a revelation that justice is, in the end, love.”

At about the same time Saturday Review was candidly editorializing:

If UNESCO is attacked on the grounds that it is helping to prepare the world’s peoples for world government, then it is an error to burst forth with apologetic statements and denials. Let us face it: the job of UNESCO is to help create and promote the elements of world citizenship. When faced with such a “charge,” let us by all means affirm it from the housetops.21

Lewis Mumford added more endorsements for the idea of a world state with statements like the following from The Transformations of Man:

[T]he destiny of mankind, after its long preparatory period of separation and differentiation, is at last to become one.... This unity is on the point of being politically expressed in a world government that will unite nations and regions in transactions beyond their individual capacity....22

In his 1959 book The West in Crisis, CFR member James P. Warburg (who was also an Insider banker, economist and former member of FDR’s socialist “brain trust”) proclaimed:

... a world order without world law is an anachronism ... since war now means the extinction of civilization, a world which fails to establish the rule of law over the nation states cannot long continue to exist. We are living in a perilous period of transition from the era of the fully sovereign nation-state to the era of world government.23

Moreover, said Warburg, we must initiate “a deliberate search for methods and means by which American children may best be educated into ... responsible citizens not merely of the United States but of the world.”24

In 1960, Atlantic Union Committee treasurer Elmo Roper (CFR) delivered an address and authored a pamphlet, both of which were entitled, “The Goal is Government of All the World.” In his appeal for global rule, Roper said:

“For it becomes clear that the first step toward world government cannot be completed until we have advanced on the four fronts: the economic, the military, the political, and the social.”25

Just the Tip of the Iceberg

We have, thus far, barely scratched the surface of the massive accumulation of world-government propaganda issued during the past several decades. Several additional chapters could easily be devoted to further presentation of examples from Establishment sources. We could turn to the late Norman Cousins (CFR, Planetary Citizens, United World Federalists, editor of Saturday Review), a one-worlder who tended to wear his colors openly. On Earth Day, April 22, 1970, he asserted,

“Humanity needs a world order. The fully sovereign nation is incapable of dealing with the poisoning of the environment.... The management of the planet, therefore — whether we are talking about the need to prevent war or the need to prevent ultimate damage to the conditions of life — requires a world-government.”26

We could also cite the Humanist Manifesto II (1973), a blatantly anti-Christian, anti-American document openly endorsed by some of America’s most prominent authors, educators, academicians, scientists, and philosophers.

It declares:

We deplore the division of humankind on nationalistic grounds. We have reached a turning point in human history where the best option is to transcend the limits of national sovereignty and to move toward the building of a world community.... a system of world law and a world order based upon transnational federal government.27 [Emphasis in original]

It would also be worthwhile to discuss the campaign during the 1960s and ’70s for A Constitution for the World, another effort of Messrs. Tugwell, Hutchins, et al., funded and promoted by the Ford Foundation through the Fund for the Republic and the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions.28 Or, we could examine the growing momentum behind more recent efforts, such as those of the World Constitution and Parliament Association, which have attracted the support of political figures, jurists, celebrities, and intellectuals from 85 countries.

In 1991, the World Constitution and Parliament Association launched a “3-year intensive global ratification campaign” for a proposed “Constitution for the Federation of Earth.” The organization enjoys the support of such “Honorary Sponsors” as Nobel laureates George Wald, Glenn T. Seaborg (CFR), and Desmond Tutu, and other notables such as actor Ed Asner, Scientific American editor and publisher Gerard Piel (CFR), SWAPO terrorist leader and President of Namibia Sam Nujoma, psychologist Kenneth Clark, and former Attorney General Ramsey Clark.29

We have space here, however, for presentation of only a small selection of material out of a vast deposit of globalist agit-prop. Those who require more evidence to become convinced that Americans have been subjected to — and are being subjected to — a conscious, well-orchestrated, long-range propaganda campaign by the CFR Establishment and its vast network of transmission belts and allies need only spend some time in a major library perusing the literature under the subject headings “world government,” “world order,” “interdependence,” “internationalism,” and “globalism.”

Attacks on National Sovereignty

However, while many of the passages we have cited are straightforward appeals for world government, the CFR Insiders and their one-world propagandists more frequently resort to the oblique approach of advancing “world order” through attacks on national sovereignty. Since a one-world government is impossible as long as nations retain their sovereign powers to conduct their own affairs as they see fit, it makes sense for the globalists to undermine the whole concept of national sovereignty. Over a period of time, the peoples of the world might be convinced gradually to surrender aspects of national sovereignty to international institutions until, ultimately, world government is an established fact.

This internationalist theme was delivered to the Foreign Affairs reading audience 70 years ago in the CFR journal’s second issue. “Obviously there is going to be no peace or prosperity for mankind,” the December 1922 Foreign Affairs claimed, “so long as it remains divided into fifty or sixty independent states.”30

The problem for the CFR was overcoming the American people’s “sovereignty fetish.” The Council pondered this difficulty in its 1944 publication entitled American Public Opinion and Postwar Security Commitments. Therein we find:

The sovereignty fetish is still so strong in the public mind, that there would appear to be little chance of winning popular assent to American membership in anything approaching a super-state organization. Much will depend on the kind of approach which is used in further popular education.31

The gradualist approach, as outlined for instance in The International Problem of Governing Mankind, by Columbia University professor and later World Court justice Philip C. Jessup (CFR), was the strategy most often adopted by the Insider internationalists. “I agree that national sovereignty is the root of the evil,” Jessup wrote in his 1947 book. But, he noted: “The question of procedure remains. Can the root be pulled up by one mighty revolutionary heave, or should it first be loosened by digging around it and cutting the rootlets one by one?”32 Like most of his elitist confreres, he opted for the piecemeal approach.

Archetypal CFR Insider and former FDR Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau recognized the need for the step-by-step approach:

“We can hardly expect the nation-state to make itself superfluous, at least not overnight. Rather what we must aim for is recognition in the minds of all responsible statesmen that they are really nothing more than caretakers of a bankrupt international machine which will have to be transformed slowly into a new one. The transition will not be dramatic, but a gradual one. People will still cling to national symbols.”33

Years later, in 1975, former Secretary of the Treasury C. Douglas Dillon, an ardent CFR globalist and honorary chairman of the Institute for World Order, admitted that it would still “take a while before people in this country as a whole will be ready for any substantial giving-up of sovereignty to handle global problems.”34 Not that members of the CFR crowd were taking a lackadaisical attitude. Far from it — they had been engaged in full-scale sovereignty-bashing for decades.

In his 1960 book The United States in the World Arena, Walt Whitman Rostow (CFR), who would rise to become chairman of the State Department’s Policy Planning Board and the President’s national security advisor, declared:

[I]t is a legitimate American national objective to see removed from all nations — including the United States — the right to use substantial military force to pursue their own interests. Since this residual right is the root of national sovereignty and the basis for the existence of an international arena of power, it is, therefore, an American interest to see an end to nationhood as it has been historically defined.35 [Emphasis added]

That kind of statement — literally advocating an end to our nation and our constitutional system of government — should have immediately disqualified Rostow for any government position. It would be impossible for him, in good faith, to take the oath of office to defend and protect the U.S. Constitution while adhering to such a position. However, quite to the contrary, it was this very same subversive, internationalist commitment that guaranteed his promotion by fellow one-world Insiders. Meanwhile, on Capitol Hill, the war against national sovereignty was being led by the likes of Senator J. William Fulbright, longtime chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and one of the most influential members of Congress.

In his 1964 book Old Myths and New Realities, Fulbright declared:

Indeed, the concept of national sovereignty has become in our time a principle of international anarchy....36 ... the sovereign nation can no longer serve as the ultimate unit of personal loyalty and responsibility.37

New York Governor and perennial presidential aspirant Nelson Rockefeller also certified his globalist credentials with frequent attacks on nationalism. Echoing the familiar Establishment theme at the 1962 Godkin lectures at Harvard University, he averred that “the nation-state, standing alone, threatens, in many ways, to seem as anachronistic as the Greek city-state eventually became in ancient times.”38

In his Harvard lectures, published in 1964 under the title The Future of Federalism, Rockefeller warned against the “fever of nationalism” and declared that “the nation-state is becoming less and less competent to perform its international political tasks.”39 His solutions? “All these, then, are some of the reasons — economic, military, political — pressing us to lead vigorously toward the true building of a new world order.”40 (Emphasis added) “More specifically, I hope and urge,” stated Mr. Rockefeller, “... there will evolve the bases for a federal structure of the free world.”41

In his 1972 book World Without Borders, Worldwatch Institute President Lester Brown (CFR) noted the continuing “problem” faced by himself and his fellow globalists:

“Needless to say, sovereign nationstates steadfastly resist the transfer of power necessary to create strong supranational institutions.”42

He continued:

There is discussion from time to time on the need for a full-fledged world government. Realistically, this is not likely to come about in the short run. If we can build some of the supranational institutions that are needed in various areas ... adding them to the International Monetary Fund, INTELSAT and the many others already in existence, these will eventually come to constitute an effective, though initially limited world government.43 The “existing international system,” Brown has declared, “... must be replaced by a new world order.”44 (Emphasis added)

“Declaration of INTERdependence”

One of the Insiders’ most audacious propaganda gambits in support of the new world order was the world-government-promoting “Declaration of INTERdependence,” unveiled in 1975 during the planning for our nation’s 1976 bicentennial.45 Sponsored by the World Affairs Council of Philadelphia and
written by Establishment historian Henry Steele Commager (CFR), the “Declaration of INTERdependence” turned the Founding Fathers upside-down, declaring:
When in the course of history the threat of extinction confronts mankind, it is necessary for the people of The United States to declare their interdependence with the people of all nations....

To establish a new world order of compassion, peace, justice and security, it is essential that mankind free itself from the limitations of national prejudice, and acknowledge ... that all people are part of one global community.... [Emphasis added] The document’s penultimate paragraph, and its real raison d’etre, declares:

“We affirm that a world without law is a world without order, and we call upon all nations to strengthen and to sustain the United Nations and its specialized agencies, and other institutions of world order....” (Emphasis added)

Amazingly, 124 members of Congress endorsed this attack on our constitutional system of limited government. One of those who did not support this declaration was the late Congressman John Ashbrook (R-OH), who charged:

Unlike the Declaration of Independence, whose great hallmarks are guarantees of individual personal freedom and dignity for all Americans and an American Nation under God, the declaration abandons those principles in favor of cultural relativism, international citizenship, and supremacy over all nations by a world government.

The declaration of interdependence is an attack on loyalty to American freedom and institutions, which the document calls “chauvinistic nationalism,” “national prejudice,” and “narrow notions of national sovereignty.”46

To accompany, promote, and expand upon the “Declaration of INTERdependence,” the World Affairs Council of Philadelphia and the Aspen Institute published The Third Try at World Order: U.S. Policy for an Interdependent World written by Harlan Cleveland (CFR).* In that book, Cleveland, a former Assistant Secretary of State and U.S. Ambassador to NATO, lamented that the first try at “world order” collapsed with the failure to secure U.S. entry into the League of Nations and that the second failure resulted from a United Nations that was not invested with sufficient authority and power to enact and enforce world law.47

According to Cleveland, the “third try,” now underway, is an attempt to arrive at “world governance” piecemeal, by strengthening the UN to deal with various global “crises” involving, for instance, “the global environment,” “food reserve[s],” “energy supplies,” “fertility rates,” “military stalemate,” and “conflict in a world of proliferating weapons.”48

It was a recapitulation of what he had written in 1964 in the foreword to Richard N. Gardner’s book, In Pursuit of World Order, wherein Cleveland stated: “A decent world order will only be built brick by brick.”49

Piece by Piece, Brick by Brick

CFR luminary Richard N. Gardner took this same message of patient, persistent plodding to the Council’s members and followers in 1974, with his now-famous article in Foreign Affairs entitled “The Hard Road to World Order.” Since hopes for “instant world government” had proven illusory, he wrote, “the house of world order” would have to be built through “an end run around national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece.” This could be done, he noted, on an ad hoc basis with treaties and international “arrangements” that could later be brought within “the central institutions of the U.N. system.”50

As we shall see, this gradualist road to world order, as outlined by Jessup, Cleveland, Gardner, et al. — “root by root,” “brick by brick,” “piece by piece” — has been followed assiduously by the one-worlders and is now rapidly approaching completion. However, even at this late hour, it still is not too late to throw a wrench into their well-oiled machine and topple their planned “house of world order” like a house of cards.

• Like many of his fellow Establishment Insiders — Walt and Eugene Rostow, Dean Acheson, John McCloy, and Robert McNamara — Cleveland had a long career on the far left that is worthy of note. Dr. Francis X. Gannon, in his authoritative Biographical Dictionary of the Left, recorded: “At Princeton, Cleveland was president of the Anti-War Society for three years and in the Princeton yearbook he listed himself as a ‘Socialist.’” Intelligence expert Frank A. Capell reported in his column for The Review Of The News for August 21, 1974:

“Cleveland wrote articles for Far Eastern Survey and Pacific Affairs, publications of the Institute of Pacific Relations, a subversive organization described by the Senate Judiciary Committee as ‘an instrument of Communist policy, propaganda and military intelligence.’ He worked with John Abt and other key Reds on the staff of the LaFollette Civil Liberties Committee. He worked as deputy to Soviet agent Harold Glasser inside U.N.R.R.A. [United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration] and took part in ‘Operation Keelhaul,’ sending nearly five million Europeans into Russian concentration camps.”

William J. Gill’s shocking 1969 expose of the extensive subversion in the U.S. government, The Ordeal of Otto Otepka (New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House), devotes more than two chapters to the pro-communist exploits of Harlan Cleveland. After having been brought into the State Department during the Kennedy Administration on a security waiver signed by Dean Rusk, Cleveland began to load up his staff with other security risks. One of those he tried to hire was his longtime friend Irving Swerdlow, who had been discharged eight years earlier as a security risk.

He then stunned Otto Otepka, the chief of the State Department’s personnel security, by asking: “What are the chances of getting Alger Hiss back into the Government?” In 1962, the State Department’s Advisory Committee on International Organizations, chaired by Cleveland, attempted to devise an end run around the security checks on Americans employed by the United Nations. The new security procedures had been instituted in the wake of the Hiss espionage scandal and the revelations that he and his brother, Donald Hiss, had personally recruited more than 200 people for UN jobs.

(For further information, see also State Department Security 1963-65: The Otepka Case, Senate Internal Security Subcommittee Hearings, 1963-65.)
 

Notes

1. Philip Kerr, “From Empire to Commonwealth,” Foreign Affairs, December 1922, pp. 97-98, quoted by James Perloff, The Shadows of Power: The Council on Foreign Relations And The American Decline (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1988), p. 11.
2. Allen W. Dulles and Beatrice Pitney Lamb, The United Nations (booklet), Headline Series, No. 59 (New York: The Foreign Policy Association, September-October, 1946), pp. 44, 86, quoted by Alan Stang, The Actor: The True Story of John Foster Dulles Secretary of State, 1953 – 1959 (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1968), pp. 127, 180.
3. Saul H. Mendlovitz in Introduction, Saul H. Mendlovitz (ed.). On the Creation of a Just World Order: Preferred Worlds for the 1990’s (New York: The Free Press, 1975), p. xvi.
4. Lincoln P. Bloomfield, A World Effectively Controlled by the United Nations, Institute For Defense Analyses, March 10, 1962. Prepared for the IDA in support of a study submitted to the Department of State under contract No. SCC 28270, February 24, 1961, p. 3.
5. H. G. Wells, The New World Order (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1940), p. 9.
6. Ibid., pp. 23-24.
7. Reinhold Niebuhr, Lewis Mumford, et al., The City of Man: A Declaration on World Democracy (New York: Viking Press, 1940), p. 25.
8. Ibid., p. 23.
9. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, A Constitution for the World (New York: The Fund for the Republic, 1965), p. 7.
10. Ibid., p. 8.
11. Ibid., p. 6, 8-9.
12. Senate Concurrent Resolution 66 first introduced in the Senate on September 13, 1949 by Senator Glen Taylor (D-ID), quoted by Dennis L. Cuddy, The “New World Order”: A Critique and Chronology, a pamphlet (Milford, PA: America’s Future, Inc., 1992), p. 10.
13. Cuddy, p. 10.
14. John Foster Dulles, War or Peace (New York: Macmillan, 1950), p. 40, quoted by Robert W. Lee, The United Nations Conspiracy (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1981), p. 141.
15. William H. McIlhany II, The Tax-Exempt Foundations (Westport, CT: Arlington House, 1980), p.
40. See also, Alan Stang, The Actor: The True Story of John Foster Dulles Secretary of State, 1953 – 1959 (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1968), pp. 164-65.
16. Rev. Edmund A. Opitz, “Religious Propagandists for the UN,” The Freeman, March 1955, p. 382.
17. Ibid.
18. Dulles, War or Peace, p. 204, quoted by Lee, p. 115.
19. Senate Report (Senate Foreign Relations Committee), Revision of the United Nations Charter: Hearings Before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations, Eighty-First Congress (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1950) p. 494.
20. Giuseppe Antonio Borgese, Foundations of the World Republic (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1953), inside flap of dust jacket.
21. Editorial, “The Climate of Freedom,” The Saturday Review, July 19, 1952, p. 22.
22. Lewis Mumford, The Transformations of Man (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1956), p. 184.
23. James P. Warburg, The West in Crisis (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1959), p. 30.
24. Ibid., p. 171.
25. “The Goal is Government of All the World, “ an address by Atlantic Union Committee treasurer Elmo Roper delivered in 1960, quoted by Dennis L. Cuddy, Now Is the Dawning of the New Age New World Order (Oklahoma City: Hearthstone Publishing, Ltd., 1991), p. 240.
26. Norman Cousins, abstracts from two addresses delivered on Earth Day, April 22, 1970 published as “Managing the Planet,” in Earth Day – The Beginning (New York: Arno Press & The New York Times, 1970), p. 242.
27. Humanist Manifesto II first appeared in The Humanist, September/October 1973 (Vol. XXXIII, No.5). See also, Paul Kurtz (ed.), “Humanist Manifesto II” in Humanist Manifestos I and II (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1973), p. 21.
28. A Constitution for the World, op. cit.
29. Sponsorship list from World Constitution and Parliament Association, 1480 Hoyt Street, Suite 31, Lakewood, CO 80215.
30. Kerr, pp. 97-98.
31. American Public Opinion and Postwar Security Commitments (New York: CFR, 1944), p. 4, quoted by Alang Stang, The Actor (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1968), p. 35.
32. Philip C. Jessup, International Problems of Governing Mankind (Claremont, CA: Claremont Colleges, 1947), p. 2.
33. Hans (Henry) Morgenthau, quoted by Lester R. Brown, World Without Borders (New York: Vintage Books, 1972), p. 353.
34. “Why We Need to Change the System, And How We Can Do It,” Transition, a bi-monthly publication of the Institute for World Order, Inc., Vol. 2., No.1, January 1975, p. 3.
35. Walt Whitman Rostow, The United States in the World Arena (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1960), p. 549.
36. J. William Fulbright, Old Myths and New Realities (New York: Random House, 1964), p. 87.
37. Ibid., p. 108.
38. Nelson A. Rockefeller, The Future of Federalism: The Godkin Lectures at Harvard University, 1962 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 64.
39. Ibid., 67.
40. Ibid., p. 74.
41. Ibid., p. 79-80.
42. Brown, p. 353.
43. Ibid., p. 354.
44. Lester Brown, quoted by Cuddy, Now is the Dawning, p. 266.
45. Henry Steele Commager, “The Declaration of INTERdependence”, October 24, 1975. World Affairs Council of Philadelphia, 1975.
46. John Ashbrook, quoted in Congressional Record, May 12, 1976, p. H 4312.
47. Harlan Cleveland, The Third Try at World Order (New York: Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies, 1976), p. 2.
48. Ibid., pp. 8-9.
49. Harlan Cleveland in Introduction, Richard N. Gardner, In Pursuit of World Order: U.S. Foreign Policy and International Organizations (New York: Fredrick A. Praeger, 1964), p. xviii.
50. Richard N. Gardner, “The Hard Road to World Order,” Foreign Affairs, April 1974, p. 558-59.

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